THE HIDDEN HISTORY OF
THE JFK ASSASSINATION…
(Berkeley:
Counterpoint, 2013) by LAMAR WALDRON
Rev. by Hugh Murray
The main
objection to the theory that the Mafia planned the assassination of President
Kennedy has always been that it would not have had the power to cover-up its
role in the murder. Nor would it have
had the ability to control, curtail, and compromise the autopsy, to bamboozle
all the media, to intimidate witnesses speaking to FBI agents, and to appoint a
blue-ribbon commission that would issue a report with 26 volumes of documentary
support, purporting to prove that the assassin was a lone-nut, never once
mentioning the Mafia!
Because the Mafia clearly lacked such
power, either the Warren Commission was correct in attributing the
assassination to Oswald, or the cover-up and murder, were conducted by
higher-ups in the US Government – like Lyndon Johnson, the CIA, the FBI, etc. Or,
it was the work of Fidel Castro and/or the Soviets. Were that the case, the demand by the
American public for retaliation would press our leaders to launch a large-scale
invasion of Cuba, which could unleash World War III. To prevent nuclear war, American leaders
chose to cover up the evidence of Communist conspiracy that culminated in
Dallas. The American leaders chose cover-ups
and deception in preference to the truth and nuclear war.
Waldron’s purpose is to remove the
chief obstacles to the view that the Mafia conspiracy resulted in the
assassination of Jack Kennedy. Waldron
notes that in the last days of the Eisenhower Administration, CIA and Mafia
links were forged in plots to overthrow and assassinate the radical Fidel
Castro in Cuba. With the failure of the
Bay of Pigs invasion in spring 1961, however, the newly inaugurated President
Kennedy believed he had been misled by the CIA and proceeded to fire its leader,
Allen Dulles. Many Cuban exiles blamed
Kennedy for the failure of that mission because Kennedy had refused to support
the landing with major air, and if necessary, American land support.
The Missile Crisis of the fall of
1962 nudged the world to the edge of nuclear war. Though some assumed there had been a “no
invasion” pledge as part of the settlement, Waldron asserts that because Castro
rejected inspection on Cuban soil, the no-invasion pledge was inoperative. Moreover, Kennedy ordered a halt to any
American CIA collaboration with the Mafia, in part because his brother,
Attorney General Robert Kennedy was leading the prosecution of organized crime,
and had even used some extra-legal tactics to deport New Orleans Mafia leader,
Carlos Marcello. Nevertheless, Pres.
Kennedy still authorized clandestine plots to kill Castro, while simultaneously
allowing top secret negotiations with the Castro regime to come to some
accommodation. But if no progress in
those negotiations were evident by the end of November 1963, Pres. Kennedy decided
to aid a coup in Cuba staged by Gen. Juan Almeida, the head of the Cuban army
and the number three official under Castro.
In this coup, Fidel would be assassinated, and Almeida’s new government
would request military intervention from the US to complete the
counter-revolution. The working date for
that operation was 1 December 1963.
Unbeknownst to Kennedy and his new
CIA leader, John McCone, however, the CIA’s Director of Planning Operations,
Richard Helms, now held the highest operational post in the agency. Helms knew of the previous CIA-Mafia
collaboration toward eliminating Castro, and he ignored Kennedy’s demand to cut
ties with the Mafia. Instead, those
earlier ties were retained and solidified between some CIA operatives and Mafia
organizations in Florida (led by Santo Trafficante), Chicago (represented by
Johnny Rosselli), and New Orleans (led by Marcello once he made it back to the
US, probably flown in by pilot David Ferrie).
By linking the government approved
assassination plots to kill Castro, with its own plots to kill Kennedy, the
Mafia would make it impossible to unravel the truth without exposing the US
government’s own deadly secrets to the American people, AND exposing General
Almeida in Cuba to the wrath of Fidel.
Moreover, if the Mafia plot were successful, it could then plant false
information implicating Castro as the culprit.
This might lead to calls for invasion of Cuba, Soviet retaliation, and
WWIII. The US government would then find
it necessary to avoid war by covering up what really occurred in Dallas. Thus, the cover-up was not conducted by the
Mafia, but by innocent American leaders bent upon avoiding atomic war:
President Lyndon Johnson, Chief Justice Earl Warren, FBI Director J. Edgar
Hoover, et al.
Waldron uses information garnered
from tapes recorded for the FBI when Mafia chief Marcello was imprisoned; he
confessed his role in the Kennedy assassination to a fellow inmate who was wearing
a wire. The information was not released
when originally recorded, nor in 1986 when the FBI operation concluded, nor in
1992 when the Congress passed the JFK Assassination Records Act. In 1998, the FBI released the information,
but it was buried in a flood of less important documents released at the same
time. Waldron’s own research found the
confessions in 2006 and in this book he makes an impressive case. Waldron asserts that the Mafia planned the
assassination with plots in at least three cities that Kennedy would visit in
the fall of 1963, and in each, a Lee Oswald-type patsy had been selected to
deflect suspicion from the real killers.
Chicago, Tampa-Miami, and Dallas were the three sites that Kennedy would
visit where Mafia hit men were imported to crush Camelot. Waldron also refers to confessions by other
Mafia leaders, including Trafficante, and Rosselli. Waldron is good at reminding readers of how,
when Congress reinvestigated the Kennedy murder, several Mafioso leaders were
killed in most brutal fashions the day before they were to testify. In addition, the wealthy white Russian who
befriended the poor, “Marxist” Oswald in Dallas, George de Mohrenschildt,
commited suicide the day before his scheduled testimony. Waldron reminds readers of the number of “coincidental”
deaths when Congress reinvestigated the events in Dallas.
Waldron provided an excellent
time-line studded with provocative tidbits of information. Thus, we learn that during the height of the
Missile Crisis in the fall of 1962, Oswald, the “defector” to the USSR married
to a Russian, gets a job in Dallas with a corporation performing sensitive
photographic work for the US government, such as interpreting pictures of Cuban
missile movements. (154) Furthermore,
despite his “defection” and his later
distribution of Fair Play for Cuba leaflets, Oswald was never placed on the
FBI’s Security Index.(250, 258) Another
item to ponder: Waldron reveals that both Jack Ruby and Gen. Edwin Walker (the
right-wing general whom Oswald allegedly shot at) were closeted
homosexuals.(174) Of course, one could
argue that in the 1960s almost all gays were closeted. In that era, if a man were openly homosexual,
“out,” he was either “in” prison or “in” a mental institution. Waldron also mentions the story of J. Edgar’s
alleged arrest for homosexuality.(231)
Yet, Clay Shaw is barely mentioned in the book.
Before engaging in a general
critique of the book, I shall point out some minor errors. Louisiana Congressman Hale Boggs, father of
ABC and NPR commentator Cokie Roberts, was a US Representative, not a
Senator.(31) Boggs WAS a member of the
Warren Commission, but Louisiana Sen. Russell Long was NOT.(146) Also, Waldron asserts that “there were only
two time periods when Oswald could have worked for Marcello as a runner: one in
late April or early May 1963…and the other in late July, August, and …September
1963,…”(181-82) But Oswald might have
worked for Marcello much earlier, when he was a teenager living in New Orleans.
I disagree with Waldron’s
assessment that the investigation by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison
hindered the investigation by mainstream media of the Kennedy assassination.(15) Though the jury quickly found Clay Shaw not
guilty of conspiring to kill JFK, they told local reporters that they were
convinced that JFK was a victim of a conspiracy. Garrison’s prosecution showed the Zapruder
film in the courtroom, eventually unwrapping it for all to see how Kennedy’s
head moved to the back and left when struck by the fatal shot. Under oath Dr. Pierre Finck described how
doctors in Bethesda followed military orders at the expense of providing Kennedy
a thorough autopsy. If the national
media were hostile to Garrison, not all of the local outlets were so
biased. Thus, when local news reporters
pressed Atty. Dean Andrews (a Marcello atty., according to Waldron) after he
was indicted by Garrison for perjury, Andrews initially sought to evade the
reporter’s questions. Finally he blurted
out, “If they can kill the President, they can squash me like a roach.” These are but a few of the revelations that
were a consequence of Garrison’s courage in challenging the Federal Government’s
narrative about the assassination.
At the outset of Garrison’s
prosecution of Clay Shaw, the Federal Government openly intervened to
obstruct. US Attorney General Ramsey
Clark announced that the Feds had already investigated Shaw and concluded he
had nothing to do with the assassination!
When was this investigation? Who
investigated? Why did they investigate
Shaw? The Feds did everything possible
to obstruct the Garrison prosecution, so that crucial witnesses could flee Louisiana,
and governors like Ronald Reagan of California and James Rhodes of Ohio, after
consulting with federal officials, simply refused to extradite important witnesses
like Gordon Novel. How could any DA win
a case under such circumstances?
Even Waldron concedes, “Recently
released FBI files show that in the late spring of 1967, Garrison twice
privately considered indicting Marcello for the assassination of JFK but
decided not to.”(458) Waldron’s thesis
is that Marcello was guilty of the murder, and yet he claims that the only
official who contemplated charging Marcello with that crime, simply hindered
mainstream media investigations! Were those
recently released FBI files that Waldron refers to intended to facilitate DA
Garrison probe? Or to sabotage it? And had Garrison charged Marcello with
killing Kennedy, would the mass media have been any more sympathetic to
Garrison?
Waldron includes a most salient
paragraph: “…declassified files now show that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and
CIA Director Richard Helms immediately began a significant public relation
counteroffensive, issuing detailed instruction on how to smear critics of the Warren Report. For example, in a January 4, 1967, CIA memo
in which the Agency gives 53-pages of specific instructions on how to counter
the growing tide of books and articles questioning the ‘lone-nut’ conclusion…In
many ways, those PR counteroffensives by the FBI and CIA would last for
decades, and some writers make the case that they continue even today.”(14-15)
Garrison failed to convict Clay
Shaw. I would contend because of the hostility
of the Feds, there is no way Garrison could have convicted Marcello
either. The national, main-stream media
followed the marching orders of the federal government – orders issued softly
through their agency operatives and friends.
Important in the “get Garrison”
media campaign was journalist Walter Sheridan.
Waldron maintains Sheridan was sent to New Orleans by Robert
Kennedy. Why would Robert Kennedy seek
to destroy a DA who at least considered charging Carlos Marcello, arch-nemesis
of the Kennedys? And was Robert really
the dominant figure in the autopsy of his brother at Bethesda, as maintained by
Waldron?(399-401)
Because the thrust of Waldron’s
book is assassination by the Mafia, he mentions the murder of Guatemalan leader
Castillo Armas in July 1957 by a “lone Communist” assassin, who then killed
himself with the same weapon used to kill Armas. But there were rumors at the time that Armas
had run afoul of the Mafia, and Rosselli was then in Guatemala.(94) Shortly after the Bay of Pigs, the strong man
of the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo was assassinated in what Waldron
calls a gangland-type murder.(145) And
since Waldron explicated MafCia assassinations, he might have expanded his
all-to-brief accounts of two other assassination, even if the Mafia had nothing
to do with them: – 1) the assassination
of the Prime Minister in the newly independent Congo, Patrice Lumumba on 17
January 1961 (p. 136, though his name is misspelt in Waldron’s index); and - 2) the assassination of South Viet Nam’s Ngo
Dinh Diem on 2 November 1963.(303) With Waldron’s
slight treatment of the latter, he evades speculation on the CIA’s role in that
murder and its effect on future American policy in Vietnam and any connection
between Diem’s demise may have had on events in Dallas. Because Waldron’s thesis is that the Mafia
had to blur the lines between two plots, an anti-Castro one in league with the CIA,
and the one targeting JFK, he might have elaborated more on the CIA practices.
There are anomalies in Waldron’s
work. On the one hand, we read that:
“The [New Orleans police lieutenant who talked to Oswald after his arrest with
the FPCC in NO] also said that Oswald ‘liked the President,’ a sentiment shared
by most people who ever heard Oswald mention JFK;”(251) and :”…It’s important
to keep in mind that others such as
Anthony Summers have documented that ‘nobody has ever made the flimsiest
allegation that the authentic Lee Oswald had anything but good to say about
John Kennedy’ This is true of Oswald’s
interrogations, his media appearances, and his private talks.”(338)
On the other hand, Waldron also
reports that: “The head of the Ku Klux Klan
told veteran newspaper report and editor Patsy Sims that he had met with Oswald
in Atlanta. In her definitive history of
the Klan, Sims writes that ‘one of her sources told her that Oswald, in the
summer of 1963, had called on [Klan] Imperial Wizard James Venable in his
office in Atlanta seeking the names of right-wing associates. Venable confirmed [to Sims] that he was
fairly sure that Oswald had been there for that purpose.’ Oswald indicated to Venable that he was on
his way to Chicago. Klan leader Venable
made his statement to Sims in the 1980s and it is difficult to see why Venable
would make up an Oswald encounter since it tended to link Oswald with
‘right-wing associates,’ thus potentially giving the FBI reason to interview or
investigate them.”
“In the 1960s, Klan leader Venable
was close to an associate of Guy Banister, white supremacist Joseph Milteer,
who lived in Georgia…”(286)
If this meeting did occur, it may
have had more to do with the Banister-, Milteer-, far-right plot than about
Oswald’s personal opinion of Kennedy.
Oswald may have simply been following Banister’s instructions, as he had
done when pretending to be a Castro-sympathizer handing out FPCC leaflets.
A related question: what was the
connection between the Mafia and the racist, far-right? Clearly, some Cubans who had fled Castro’s
far-left oppression in Cuba, may have felt more comfortable with right end of
the political spectrum. The KKK certainly
inhabits that end. Milteer, who was
taped predicting the assassination prior to events in Dallas, and then gloating
about them, was clearly far-right. So
did Milteer, who prediction of, and later gloating over, the assassination was
tape-recorded. Moreover, Milteer
declared that the conspiracy to kill Kennedy originated in New Orleans, backed
by considerable sums, not all donated by right-wingers. Milteer mentioned only one Louisiana
politician (311), but Waldron does not reveal that name. I will go on a limb to say that I suspect the
politician was the leader of Louisiana’s Plaquemines Parish (county), Judge
Leander Perez.
In 1952 when Judge Perez decided to
endorse the Republican ticket of Eisenhower and Nixon for President,
Plaquemines Parish voted over 93% for the Republicans – the highest percentage
of any county in the entire nation.(Glen Jeansonne, Leander Perez: Boss of the Delta, p. 194) In November 1960 when courts ordered
desegregation of two New Orleans schools, Perez urged defiance, and allowed
whites to escape their integrated school by attending schools in neighboring
St. Bernard Parish (also Perez=dominated).
In 1961 CORE began its Freedom Rides, where CORE members on buses
attempted to integrate bus stations from Washington, DC, to New Orleans. Most were stopped by brutal mobs or arresting
police, and one bus was burnt. This made
national and international headlines. It
was rumored (not Jeansonne’s biography, but my memory is the source for the
rest of this paragraph – HM) that Perez then induced George Lincoln Rockwell to
travel from his base in Virginia through the same route as the Greyhound buses
to New Orleans on his “hate bus.”
Rockwell was leader of the American Nazi Party. Before entering New Orleans, local police
demanded that he cover some of the signs that decorated his van – “Kill
Commies, Queers, and Jews!” When in May
1961 Rockwell and some of his uniformed crew were arrested for picketing the
film “Exodus,” there were rumors that Guy Banister, a one-time Acting
Superintendent of the NO Police, paid his bail.
When Judge Perez went to the Hotel Roosevelt’s Blue Room (possibly the premier
NO night spot at that time), Ted Lewis was performing. One of his signature acts was to sing “Me and
My Shadow,” while a Black dancer in black clothing danced as his shadow. The judge was not happy with this integrated
entertainment. Perhaps he was aware that
Ted Lewis had been born, Theodore Friedman.
To express his displeasure, the judge purposely broke glasses where the
shadow was to step, causing the Black to cut his foot. In the spring of 1969 Judge Perez passed
on. In Plaquemines Parish, two young
Black men entered a store and announced they wanted to purchase liquor to
celebrate the death of the Judge. They
were quickly arrested and sentenced to 6 month’s hard labor. After serving only a few months, the NAACP
succeeded in curtailing the sentence.
Why would Marcello have a low-level
racial extremist like Milteer aware of the plot to kill Kennedy if this were
merely a Mafia operation? Does this make
sense?
Let me describe several incidents related
to the question I just posed. It is
truly amazing how different our relatives can be from each other and from
ourselves. By the late 1950s I had
become an integrationist in my native New Orleans. This amounted to little more than speaking in
favor of the idea in high school and then college. That changed in September 1960 when I was
among the seven arrested in the first lunch-counter sit-in in New Orleans. It occurred at the large Woolworth’s on Canal
and Rampart Streets. When my father
heard of the sit-in in progress, he left work to try to get me away. Police had cordoned off the counter area, and
would not allow anyone to pass. With our
arrests, and our names on p. 1 of the local paper and on national TV (we did
not see it as we were still in jail), it was now clear to all that I was a
nlover. Although I moved from my
parents’ home so as not to endanger them, it did not matter. They received phone calls in the middle of
the night, threatening to bomb the home.
Thank God we had no restrictive gun control laws back then. My father easily borrowed a gun and bullets
from a co-worker. After a few months,
the spotlight of hatred moved to the other end of the city, for in November Perez
and others were instigating resistance to the court-ordered desegregation of
two public schools. I was suddenly old
news. My dad felt safe enough to return the
gun. Upon getting it back, his co-worker
asked my father, “Why did you borrow so many bullets? Only one would have done the job.” I was not very popular.
But one relative sought to help, -
my crazy uncle. Of course, he probably
thought of me as his crazy nephew. After
my arrest with CORE for integration, my uncle sought to restore honor to the
family, by sending money to George Lincoln Rockwell’s organization. As a young child I once overheard him moaning
over some beers, “Oh, if only Hitler had won.”
My uncle had been in the merchant marine and had risked his life during
WWII to get supplies to the nations fighting against the Axis. But he did not agree with FDR’s foreign
policy. Meanwhile, I had been convicted
of a felony (the sit-in), and was trying to survive. I certainly was not seeking another arrest,
but I did continue to participate in various demos throughout the 1960s, any one
of which might result in an arrest.
Finally, in 1969 my car was followed by a police helicopter, and when I
let a passenger out of the auto, he was immediately arrested. I decided then it was time to leave my native
city.
I would occasionally see that uncle
when he visited my parents. He had a
special greeting for me, “How are the burr heads doing?” This would rile me a little, but I knew him
well enough just to roll my eyes.
Sometimes he would speak with my dad, but sometimes he would address me,
“Oh, that Bobby! They’re gonna get that
Bobby!” He was referring to Atty. Gen
Robert Kennedy who seemed to be pushing integration. I just tried to ignore him.
After a few years, I moved back
with my parents and got a job teaching 5th grade in a new, private
school. Around lunch one day, Mrs.
Flagg, another 5th grade teacher called me to her class room across
the hall. Hers was enjoying a free
period for lunch, and one of her pupils had brought in a new item, a transistor
radio. She told me to listen. Most of her class was playing, making lots of
noise, while she and I craned our necks above the 10-year-old and his radio. I heard the main points, but could not leave
my class unattended for long.
When I returned to my class, I
informed them that President Kennedy had been shot in Dallas. The class cheered. I was stunned. One girl placed her head on the table and
cried. She was the exception. That was November 1963. Sometime after that, probably early 1964, I
again encountered my uncle. “What did I
tell you, huh? What did I tell
you?” Honestly, I had no idea what he
was talking about. Then he became more
explicit, “Didn’t I tell you they were going to get him?” Suddenly, shocked, I realized what he was referring
to. Now, I tried a counter. “But you said they were going to get
Bobby!” “Well, they got the other one
instead.” This time, exasperated, I
finally asked, “Who is this ‘they’ you keep talking about?” He quickly responded, “The mob out in the
parish.” By the mob, he meant Marcello;
by “out in the parish,” he meant Jefferson Parish. When he said this, my parents resided one
block from the Airline Highway and the Church with the Neon Bible. We were only a few blocks from Jefferson
Parish and Marcello’s office in the Town and Country Motel. My uncle’s response simply confirmed my view
that my uncle was crazy. Who in early
1964 was linking Carlos Marcello to the Kennedy assassination? This sounded ever more absurd. When he said this, I had already earned a BA
and an MA from Tulane University. My
uncle had finished 5rd grade.
I was a scholar. He drove a
taxi. It was easy to dismiss his
ravings. But years later I could only
wonder, were they really ravings? Or was
I too arrogant to accept information when it was handed to me?
Despite the occasional repetition
and lack of footnotes, and a few minor errors, Waldron has written a book that
will be difficult to ignore.